Women’s Representation in Governance: Moving Beyond Tokenism

Despite making up nearly half of India’s population, women remain starkly underrepresented in key governance positions across the country. While recent statistics show that 74 women were elected to the 18th Lok Sabha in 2024, representing just 13.6% of total seats, the question isn’t just about numbers anymore. It’s about the quality of representation, the nature of roles women occupy, and whether their presence translates into meaningful influence over policy and decision-making.

The illusion of progress: when numbers don’t tell the whole story 🔗

At first glance, India’s progress in women’s political participation appears encouraging. From 5% representation in the first Lok Sabha in 1952 to over 13% today, the trajectory seems positive. More impressively, India ranks among the top countries globally for women’s participation in local governance, with over 1.45 million women serving in Panchayati Raj Institutions.

However, these numbers mask a troubling reality. Women who do enter governance spaces are frequently channeled into specific, stereotypically “feminine” portfolios while being excluded from positions of real power. According to UN analysis, women are most frequently appointed to positions related to gender equality (87%) and family affairs (71%), while men dominate defense (87%), finance (84%), and foreign affairs (82%).

Portfolio stereotyping: the soft ministry trap 🔗

In India, this pattern is particularly pronounced. Research shows that women ministers have historically been concentrated in portfolios like Women and Child Development, Health, Social Justice, Education, and Textiles. Between 1990 and 2019, women held ministerial positions in Women and Child Development for 89% of the time, followed by Social Justice (31%), and Tourism and Culture (33%).

Meanwhile, critical economic ministries like Labour, Steel, Chemicals and Fertilizers, and Road Transport have had zero women ministers since 1990. Even in 2024, India has one of the lowest shares of women among cabinet ministers globally, with just 5.6% female representation at the cabinet level.

This segregation matters because it reinforces gendered assumptions about women’s capabilities and interests. More critically, it excludes women from shaping policies on economic growth, infrastructure, and national security-areas that profoundly impact women’s lives. When women are shut out of finance ministries, they cannot adequately address India’s dismal 20.8% female labor force participation rate or advocate for economic policies that support working mothers.

The grassroots success story: lessons from local governance 🔗

The most significant breakthrough in women’s political participation came not from the top down, but from the bottom up. The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments of 1993 mandated that one-third of seats in Panchayati Raj Institutions and urban local bodies be reserved for women. Today, 20 states have expanded this reservation to 50%, resulting in women holding 44% of seats in local governance-a figure that surpasses many developed nations.

The impact has been tangible. Studies demonstrate that women-led villages show improved delivery of essential services, with greater investments in drinking water infrastructure, sanitation, education, and healthcare facilities. Research indicates that women panchayat leaders are less likely to be involved in corruption and more responsive to community needs, particularly those affecting women and children.

Breaking stereotypes at the village level 🔗

Women representatives have used their positions to challenge deeply entrenched social norms. In conservative states like Haryana, women panchayat leaders have worked to reduce the purdah system’s prevalence, increase girls’ school enrollment, and improve sex ratios. In Bihar, 61% of elected women representatives reported intervening to stop domestic abuse, and 46% had prevented child marriages, though social stigma often prevents them from discussing these efforts openly.

These achievements are particularly remarkable given the barriers women face. Many female panchayat members are first-time candidates with no political experience, unlike their male counterparts. They’re predominantly married women who must balance household responsibilities with panchayat work, and they’re often younger and less educated than male representatives.

When representation becomes tokenism: the proxy problem 🔗

Despite grassroots gains, the shadow of tokenism looms large. The phenomenon of “sarpanch pati”-where women serve as proxies for male relatives-remains widespread. A 2008 survey in Punjab found that 75% of elected female representatives reported their husbands participating on their behalf. Recent reports from states like Madhya Pradesh show that male family members sometimes even take the oath of office on behalf of elected women.

This proxy participation undermines the entire purpose of reservation. When women are mere figureheads, policies remain shaped by male perspectives, and the transformative potential of women’s leadership is lost. The rotation of reserved seats every five years exacerbates this problem. Just as women gain experience and confidence, their seats are de-reserved, and they must contest from unreserved seats where male-dominated party structures rarely support them.

The digital divide deepens exclusion 🔗

As governance increasingly moves online, the gender digital divide creates new barriers. In Bihar, only 63% of elected women representatives own phones, and just 24% have smartphones. Without digital literacy and access, women cannot effectively use e-governance platforms, file online reports, or access training materials-putting them at a severe disadvantage in modern administrative work.

The invisible ceiling: women’s absence from the judiciary 🔗

The underrepresentation problem extends beyond electoral politics into the judiciary, where women’s perspectives are crucial for gender-just legal interpretations. Currently, only 13.47% of High Court judges are women, and the Supreme Court has just one woman judge out of 34-a mere 2.9% representation. In its entire 75-year history, only 11 women have been appointed to the Supreme Court, and no woman has ever served as Chief Justice of India.

The barriers here are particularly insidious. The collegium system’s opacity means women face heightened scrutiny during elevation processes, with their merit questioned more rigorously than male counterparts. Continuous practice requirements disadvantage women who take career breaks for childbirth or family care. Infrastructure deficiencies-22% of courts lack separate women’s toilets-signal that these spaces weren’t designed with women in mind.

Why judicial diversity matters 🔗

The absence of women from the bench has real consequences. Judgments in cases involving women’s rights, sexual harassment, and family law often reflect limited perspectives. In 2020, a Madhya Pradesh High Court granted bail to a molester on condition that the victim tie him a rakhi. A Karnataka High Court questioned a rape survivor’s credibility based on her “after-rape behavior” not matching how a victim “ideally behaves.” Such judgments reveal how male-dominated benches can perpetuate harmful stereotypes rather than challenge them.

Political parties: the gatekeepers of representation 🔗

Political parties remain the most significant barrier to women’s advancement in national politics. Despite women constituting 10% of candidates in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections-a historic first-their success rate remains low. Parties view women as electoral risks, preferring to give them “safe seats” previously held by male family members or relegating them to unwinnable constituencies.

The evidence contradicts this bias. Data shows women candidates have equal, if not higher, chances of winning than men. Yet male-dominated party hierarchies rarely give women tickets for competitive seats, and when they do enter politics, women from political dynasties receive disproportionate opportunities compared to first-generation female politicians.

Cultural norms compound these structural barriers. Politics is still widely seen as a “man’s domain.” Women face verbal abuse, threats, and intimidation during campaigns. Family duties restrict their mobility and networking opportunities. Even internal party decision-making remains largely closed to women, with minimal female representation in district-level party leadership positions.

The path forward: from numbers to influence 🔗

The passage of the 106th Constitutional Amendment Act in 2023-the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam-reserves one-third of Lok Sabha and state assembly seats for women. This represents a watershed moment, but its implementation remains tied to the next census and delimitation exercise, potentially delaying real change for years.

More importantly, reservation alone won’t solve the deeper issues. True representation requires systemic reforms across multiple dimensions. Political parties must commit to fielding women candidates in winnable seats and supporting their campaigns financially and organizationally. The rotation policy in panchayats should allow for two consecutive terms, enabling women to build on their experience.

Infrastructure and institutional support 🔗

Governance institutions must invest in gender-responsive infrastructure-not as afterthoughts but as fundamental requirements. This means adequate sanitation facilities, childcare provisions, and flexible working arrangements that acknowledge women’s dual burden of professional and domestic responsibilities. Capacity-building programs must be scaled up and continuously refined, with particular attention to digital literacy training.

The judiciary requires targeted intervention. Gender diversity should become an explicit criterion in appointments, with clear targets ensuring at least one-third representation in higher courts. States that have implemented reservations in lower judiciary-like Kerala’s 50% quota-demonstrate that such policies work when genuinely pursued.

Beyond tokenism: redefining political space 🔗

Ultimately, moving beyond tokenism requires challenging the fundamental assumption that certain policy areas are “naturally” suited to women while others require masculine expertise. Finance, defense, and infrastructure aren’t inherently male domains-they’re made so by excluding women from them. Women bring diverse perspectives, lived experiences, and policy priorities that enrich decision-making across all sectors.

The success of women in local governance proves that when given genuine opportunities and support, women can excel in leadership roles. The challenge is translating this grassroots success upward, ensuring that women’s voices shape not just local infrastructure projects but national economic policy, foreign relations, and security strategy.

Thirty years after the 73rd Amendment, India has over a million women in local governance-an achievement worth celebrating. But as long as women remain concentrated in “soft” ministries, excluded from the judiciary’s highest ranks, and forced to operate as proxies for male relatives, their representation remains more symbolic than substantive. The question India must answer isn’t just how many women are in governance, but whether those women have the power, platforms, and support to actually govern.

What do you think? How can political parties be incentivized to give women candidates genuinely winnable seats rather than relegating them to symbolic roles? What specific measures would make the most difference in ensuring women representatives can serve effectively without being overshadowed by male proxies?

References

1. https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2150216
2. https://www.orfonline.org/research/elected-women-representatives-in-local-rural-governments-in-india-assessing-the-impact-and-challenges
3. https://www.downtoearth.org.in/governance/india-among-countries-with-one-of-the-lowest-number-of-women-cabinet-ministers-un
4. https://theprint.in/opinion/dont-just-count-women-ministers-in-modi-govt-portfolios-more-crucial-for-equality/694169/
5. https://vajiramandravi.com/upsc-exam/women-in-politics/
6. https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/lessons-from-30-years-of-women-s-reservation-in-panchayats
7. https://clpr.org.in/projects/equal-justice-advancing-womens-representation-in-the-higher-judiciary-in-india/
8. https://forumias.com/blog/women-representation-in-judiciary-significance-challenges-explained-pointwise/